Written by: Dr Vladislav Sotirović
The aim of this article is a constructive contribution to the study of the phenomenon of the anti-Serb character of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, i.e. the later League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav and primarily Serbian historiographical science. So far, this topic has not been adequately addressed, let alone addressed, primarily for ideological and political reasons, since non-Serbian Yugoslav historiographies are not even interested in this for National reasons, while in the case of Serbian state historiography (i.e. Serbian state historiography). historiographies of the Republic of Serbia) a reason for underestimating this topic of a purely practical nature if we know that Serbia has not yet grown up, and therefore it cannot be expected that the still ruling titoist structures are simply working against themselves (a practical example is Dacic'S SPS). On the other hand, Serbian immigrant historiography is after 1945. traditionally engaged in the study and presentation of the truth about the anti-fascist and antititoist "Chetnik" movement of general Dragoljub Draza Mihailovic. They are the few pioneers in the documented presentation of the real truth of the anti-Serbian character of the prebrozovska and brozovska KPJ/SKJ and its military-style fist. The " people's liberation armies of Yugoslavia "from the time of the Second World War are systematically and planically ignored or declared as scientific"dilettantes". This text is an attempt to understand the roots of the contemporary national disaster of Serbia and the Serbian people in general – the roots of which one of the thickest branches is called the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
Political character of the CPJ
The Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPJ) was founded at the "Vukovar" Congress (since 20.up to 25.June 1920. G.)[1] she took a visible anti-Serbian stance that has been running since that moment through all the party documents on the "historically fair" settlement of national issues in Yugoslavia during the kingdom of SCs and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1920). 1941.G).[2] In accordance with this party program on "suppression of the great Serbian hegemonism", a concrete anti-Serbian political activity of the party resulted until the beginning of the Second World War, and after the April collapse of 1941. G. Party anti-Serbian politics from the pre-war period turned into concrete military-political actions during the war itself, i.e. the "socialist revolution", which in the national sense had an ethnocidal character of resolving the Serbian national question. An open or hidden anti-Serb form of activity of the CPY and its party-partisan formations (so-called. "People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia") during the revolutionary takeover (i.e. power over the entire territory of Yugoslavia in 1941.1945.G is multi-layered in its anti-Serb component. However, it is clear that its crucial far-reaching political-national characteristic was primarily pro-Croatian[3].
In the context of the above, we would like to point out on this occasion one of the relevant historical sources from the war period, which, among other communist-animal atrocities, also speaks about the massacre of Veselin Petrović, who was the president of the municipality of Divci, a village near Valjevo, and who was beheaded alive by the communist-partisan political commissioner Hinko Majer. The sawing of Veselin Petrovic's Serbs by Hink Mayer is described in a document titled Bloody list of communist crimes in Serbia and which was issued, on the basis of eyewitness testimony, by the authorities of General Milan Nedić in 1942. In this particular case, the eyewitness is Ljubomir Rafailović from the village Divci itself. Here is what is in this list of communists in this case:
„In the last days of September, the Communist beasts, under the leadership of the Jew Hink Majer, a ‘wholesaler’ from Zagreb, caught Veselin Petrović, the president of the municipality of Divci in Valjevo, and tired him with the most terrible tortures. First they cut his body part by part, then they cut his head off with a saw.
This same band of Myers [овде се конкретно ради о комунистичком Колубарском Народно-ослободилачком партизанском одреду, примедба В. Б. С.] it had its headquarters in September. [1941. г., примедба В. Б. С.] in the village of doubleheader. When government troops cleared this village and the area of the Communist bandits, they found in the courtyard of that house 35 graves in which the peasants from that area were buried shallowly, whom Hinko Mayer and his executioners had tired with the most terrible death, most often by cutting them piece by piece of body. One of the judges of Mayer's ‘High Court’ used to drive two Camas into the neck of a peasant who was brought before this set of red beasts, one on each side, and then laughingly asked his other companions, ‘shall we set him free??‘"(pp. 58-59).
The views of the CPY and its ethnopolitically non-Serb Politburo-leadership[4] like the whole ideology of the party, they were a pure copy of the anti-Russian politics and ideology of the ethnopolitical anti-Russian leadership of the Bolshevik party (later the Communist Party of the Soviet Union), with the role of the Russians as "oppressive exploiters" in the territory of Imperial Russia in the Yugoslav case taken over by the Serbs as an entire ethno-collective. Therefore, it is no wonder that the Yugoslav communists literally took over the Bolshevik rhetoric and the way of resolving national issues, and thus the post-war titoist Yugoslavia was rearranged on the basis of the principles adopted from Lenin's (1918). of Stalin (1936). Constitution for the USSR. And concrete solutions to complicated national issues both in the USSR and socialist Yugoslavia were based on a simple formula: "collective guilt-collective punishment". Thus, the entire political-territorial structure of Tito's Yugoslavia rested on the alleged Serbian collective guilt from the interwar period.[5] while for some" inexplicable " reason, the collective guilt of the Croatian people (together with the Muslim "Croatian flowers") for ethnocide over Serbs in the period of World War II in the territory of the independent state of Croatia (NDH) was not taken into account.
After the war of 1945. e.g. they taught in school textbooks and other propaganda pamphlets that in the Jasenovac death camp "fascists" killed "anti-fascists" or at best that "Ustashas" killed "partisans" and other "anti-fascist Patriots".[6] However, this "Ustasha" (but not Croatian and Bosniak) ethnocide over Serbs in the territory of the entire NDH in the period of 10. April 1941. all the way to 15. May 1945. G. was finally verified by the CPJ and its so-called. The" people's Liberation " Army of Yugoslavia (NOVJ) after the war, as a separate republic within socialist Yugoslavia, was created enlarged (with Italian Istria, Italian part of Dalmatia and Serbian Dubrovnik) and ethnically half-cleansed Croatia in Broz's borders (from 24% of Serbs before the war to 12% after the war)[7] and this without any national-territorial autonomy for the surviving Serbs, while on the other hand, the territory of socialist Serbia is divided into three unconnected and mutually antagonistic parts (Vojvodina, central Serbia and Kosovo). Why Istria and Dubrovnik (i.e. territory of the former Independent Republic of Dubrovnik)[8] they did not receive autonomous status within the people's Republic of Croatia on the model of Vojvodina, and Krajina (and after the ethnocide over the Serbs of Krajišnik) on the model of Kosovo, can be explained only if the anti-Serb policy of the CPY since its very establishment is well studied, as well as the real anti-Serb role of the Novi Sad during the war. In this context, it is easy to understand why the western parts of the Republic of Macedonia did not receive autonomous status (e.g. as an autonomous province of Ilirida with an administrative center in Tetovo) following the example of the southern parts of the people'S Republic of Serbia because the whole policy after the war of the ruling Communist Party of Yugoslavia (SKJ) was based on the pre – war policy of breaking up Serbdom according to the principle of "weak Serbia (and degraded Serbs as ethno-collective) - strong Yugoslavia (The headed by Croatian-Slovenian Josip Broz Tito)"[9]. It was so obvious after 1945. the Macedonian Slavs were given the status of a separate nation (from the Serbs) with their newly proclaimed and composed standard and language and script, but it was also illogical that the nation-state (NR/SR Macedonia) was now being territorially dissolved by the creation of some kind of shiptar autonomous province or at least an area. In any case, it is clear that such a development of the post-war way of resolving national issues by titoist victorious military-political structures had its pre-war (1920). 1941. G.) a historical background that we would like to point out in the shortest lines in the text below.
The CPY and the (Serbian) national question in the interwar period
The basic skeleton of authentic views of Yugoslav communists regarding the resolution of national issues in the multi-national newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS) was set by Sima Marković in the debate National question in the light of Marxism published in 1923. for him, the Kingdom itself was an" incidental product "but not a work of"national revolution". We can understand the essence of this attitude if we know that it is so-called. "unification of Yugoslavia" really proclaimed in Zagreb 23. November 1918. Mr.[10] not in 1st grade. December of the same year[11] as it has been taught and is still taught in schools and universities, since he is the Regent of the Kingdom of Serbia on that 1. December 1918. Mr. de de facto just verified de iure declared unification in Zagreb from 23. November 1918. G. by the Zagreb people's Council.[12] In other words, Markov (TJ. The message is clear: to Zagreb, "the proclamation on the unification of the state of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro" is only a passing stop that was reached by a game of historical circumstances (the defeat of Austria-Hungary and therefore the idea of creating a greater Croatia within its framework as a separate federal entity).[13] not the ultimate national-political goal of Croatia and other non-Serbs. And what was the ultimate national-political goal of Zagreb was explained by Dr. Franjo Tudjman (otherwise Tito's wartime comrade and post-war general who in the first months of the NDH in 1941. at the end of the same century when he requested that during the separation from the rest of Yugoslavia, Zagreb Croatia be returned to all those territories (of course without Slovenia) that the Zagreb State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs allegedly incorporated into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918. G. although Serbs in the state of SHS made up the ethnic majority.
What was further behind this CPY formulation, Marković himself "clarified" with the attitude that from then until the "fair" resolution of national issues in post-war Brozovo Yugoslavia will be valid for communists and their sympathizers (who still hold many managerial positions in Serbia) as an inviolable axiom: the so-called. greater Serbian hegemony was a form of political compensation for the economic underdevelopment of the Serbian bourgeoisie in comparison with the Croatian bourgeoisie.the Croatian bourgeoisie, during the First World War in 1914. 1918. it was even more material compared to the Serbian.[14] In this context, by the way, let us recall that about 50% of the industry of the Kingdom of Serbia during the First World War was destroyed, and in this destruction participated in a good part Slavs, Croats and Bosniaks in Austro-Hungarian uniforms, and something similar happened after the Second World War in 1941. 1945. G. when the factories were moved from Serbia to Slovenia, presumably as compensation for the interwar so-called war. greater Serbian hegemony. It should be noted that in the first World War there were cases of refusal of execution of orders for shooting or hanging of Serbian civilians by Czech and Slovak units in the Austro – Hungarian army on the territory of occupied Serbia (a monument was erected to them in Šumarice in Kragujevac-so-called. "Czechoslovak cemetery" as well as the memorial plaque on Tekerish in western Serbia, considering that they were shot because of the refusal to execute the order) but that there was not a single case (at least not recorded) of such refusal to execute the order by Slovenian, Croatian or Bosniak units, i.e. a soldier. Historians also know that Austro-Hungarian corporal Josip Broz Tito was on the Serbian front in the first World War in 1914. as a member of the notorious 42. the Home "Devil's Division" participated in extremely delicate military tasks, i.e. in the "capture of living languages" and with a high degree of risk in such actions were sent exclusively volunteers (i.e. volunteers). volunteers). As for the already mentioned "industrial issue", on the other hand, the industrial infrastructure on the territory of the state of SHS remained intact during the war, so it was the Slovenian and Croatian industrial-financial bourgeoisie after the unification that enjoyed a privileged and even hegemonic position in relation to the Serbian one.
For Marković and the CPY, historically strained inter-ethnic relations could be "taken off the agenda" by granting broad national-provincial political autonomy or by forming independent states, which was the official position of the CPY until 1935. G. when the Comintern temporarily adopted the position of preserving the territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia due to the fight against the coming Nazi tide. How is this original idea from 1923 in practice? completed after 1945. Mr. we have seen the example (Con)of the Federalist order of Broz's Yugoslavia when six Socialist Republics after 1974. Mr. they became independent states of which only one-Serbia, by applying the principle of national-provincial autonomy within the policy of "asymmetric (Con)federalism" was systematically and deliberately broken up and finally broken into three parts. Therefore, it is clear why Ljubljana and Zagreb decided to leave the (Kon)Federation (with the territories given to them by Tito and the Serbs earned as a huge majority in partisan units) at the moment when the demand was heard in Belgrade (regardless of who) that Serbia from three parts must be whole again.
That the national question was one of the most important items in the Communist platform of the struggle for power by carrying out the socialist revolution was clearly pointed out in the so-called. The third CPY conference in January 1924. Mr. in Belgrade. The main conclusions of this conference were that: greater Serbian hegemony provoked the defensive grouping of Croatian and Slovenian people and national minorities, as well as movements for the autonomy of Montenegro, Bosnia, Vojvodina, as well as for the independence of Macedonia. The conclusions of the third CPY conference suggest that the Serbian "hegemonic-oppressive policy" in the first four years of the existence of the joint state led to a justified rebellion of Slovenes, Croats, Bosnia, Vojvodina, Montenegro and Macedonia – thus, for the time being, six autonomous and later independent parts of New Yugoslavia. Therefore, Dalmatia, Krajina, Slavonia and Dubrovnik do not express their dissatisfaction against "Greater Serbian hegemonism" independently, but only exclusively through Croatia, while at the same time Vojvodina, Bosnia, Macedonia and Montenegro do not express their dissatisfaction through Serbia (whose constituent parts were at the time of unification in 1918. G.)[15] already suit. However, the essence of the above conclusions is that it implicitly suggests the creation of new nations in the territory of Yugoslavia – seceded only from the Serbian national being – since it is illogical to consider that the Macedonian, Montenegrin, Bosnian and Vojvodina Serbs would fight against their own national hegemony. Thus, the CPY's position was that the entire One Nation (Srpska) oppresses all other nations and national minorities – and therefore after the revolution must be adequately punished in a collective sense − and that Vojvodina, Montenegrins, Macedonians and Bosnians do not belong to the Serbian ethnolinguistic corps (but that Dubrovnik, Dalmatins and Istrians belong to the Serbian ethnolinguistic Corps). Croatia, TJ. in the Istrian case and Slovenian but not Italian). In fact, with such attitudes, the CPY not only recognized the real and newly proclaimed nations the right to self-determination, but, most importantly, the right to national-territorial secession and education of its own national independent state. The specific territories that other non-Serb nations have the" right " to secede from the Serbian ethnogeographic-National Corps were discussed during the formation of the post-war Yugoslav federation in 1945.−1946. in fact, the Confederate States of America (P. "cemetery") Constitution of 1974. the dissolution of the Yugoslav Confederation in 1991.−1995. the 1998 Kosovo war.−1999. G., ethnic cleansing of the Republic of Serbian Krajina (1995 G.) and Kosmet (after June 1999. G.) and an attempt to destroy everything that is Serbian in independent (Milovo) Montenegro after 2006. G. advocacy of the CPY at its third conference in 1924. G. for the Federalist and Republican reorganization of the kingdom of SHS was finally realized after the war, based on the principles and positions of the CPY from the first half of the twenties when the party worked in illegally (since it was legally prohibited due to terrorist activities against the state).
In order to achieve such clearly anti-Serb goals, the CPY logically supported all anti-Serb and anti-Yugoslav movements formed by non-Serb peoples and nationalities, but also sought to establish close cooperation with them. Considering that the Croats were the most numerous Yugoslavs after the Serbs, and that their financial-industrial bourgeoisie was the strongest in the Kingdom, it was logical that the CPY would support every form of Croatian separatism and anti-Serbs for the purpose of breaking the kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia, which the CPY officially included in its party program as long-term political objective[16]. Therefore, it is not surprising that in the interwar period, even in its public party newspapers, the CPY openly supports the ideologically racist-Nazi anti-Serb (greater) Croatian revolutionary organization (HRO), i.e. the Ustaše movement, formed in 1929. Mr.[17] Thus it is in the official " organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (section of the Communist International)", as exactly in the chapter "organ" − Proletarian number 28.- Oh, December 1932. G. (So less than two years before the assassination of King Alexander of the same name) published an article on support of the CPY Ustasha movement. The first and main paragraph of this article reads literally like this:
„The Communist Party welcomes the Ustasha movement of Lika and Dalmatian peasants and puts itself completely on their side. It is the duty of all communist organizations and of every communist to support, organize and lead this movement. At the same time, the Communist Party points out the shortcomings and errors in this movement so far, which are explained by the fact that Croatian fascist elements play a significant influence in the movement so far. (Pavelic-Percec), who are not interested in developing a Serbian mass movement against the greater Serbian military-fascist dictatorship, because they fear that such a movement would turn not only against the dictatorship but also against them and their Italian masters. Therefore, they are limited to the actions of small squads and methods of individual terror“.[18]
This communist view of communist-Ustasha cooperation was directly inspired by the views of the Stalinist Comintern (under the direct and hegemonic leadership of Georgian Joseph Dzhugashvili Stalin who sat in Russian Moscow as he did after 1945. in Serbian Belgrade sat Croatian-Slovenian Tito) on solving "national" issues throughout Europe which meant in practice that every true or fabricated people, i.e. the nation has the right to self-determination until final secession (but not e.g. in Stalin's Georgia-Abkhazia or South Ossetia). Therefore, under its influence, the CPY took the position that the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was a "Versailles creation" regardless of the fact that Croatian Zagreb proclaimed unification with the "Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro" even during the war of 23. November 1918. Mr. TJ. even before the start of the international post-war conference in Paris and its palaces.[19] The essence of this position of the CPY was reflected in the fact that the Politburo of the party adopted the official position that Yugoslavia (as a "greater Serbian creation") had to break up, which practically means that every anti-Serbian alliance is legitimate and welcome. Therefore, the policy of the CPY and its new one in the Second World War regarding open or covert cooperation with the Ustaše is not surprising. On this phenomenon, we would like to present a specific case about the documented cooperation between the Ustashe and partisans in the area of the Gacka Valley.
The gacka Valley as well as the entire Gacka area was named after the river Gacka and stretched from Medak through Gospić and Gorski Kotar all the way to the Serbian Moravice in the North not far from the border with Slovenia, i.e. Krensky. In this area were Italian, Ustaše, partisan-communist and Chetnik (Dinaric Chetnik division under the command of former Pope a war Duke Momcilo Đujić) military formations. During the entire war period, partisans with Soviet military designations tried to seize this zone from the Chetniks (Jvuo) of the dinar division, but this did not work for them and because the local Serb (majority) population mainly opted for Chetniks and not partisans, and one of the main reasons for such realignment was and visible cooperation of partisans with the slaughters of Serbs – Croatian Ustaše, as well as the fact that partisan units of the Communist main staff of Croatia participated in the genocidal policy of Ustaše Zagreb towards local Serbs with their conduct on the ground. It was in these areas during the Second World War that an open and unequivocal cooperation between the Ustasha and the partisans took place, and one of the classic examples is the case of collaboration on the ground between two Croatian brothers – Ivo Rukavina, commander of the main staff of Croatia and Juca Rukavina, commander of the most notorious Ustasha battle formation – Crna legions.[20] What kind of concrete military cooperation on the ground was done in this case, the mentioned source says first-hand that communist formations were withdrawn to the "National Assembly" in the village of Kunić, at the moment when 1,500 Ustasha-koljački Blackshirts penetrated through Kordun and Ed. So, at the moment when one born brother Croat penetrates with his butchers to destroy all that is Serbian as much as it can at a given moment, at the same moment another brother Croat, instead of defending the people from the slaughter of his military formation, withdraws from the direction of penetration of the formations of the other brother to the National Council.
Here is what specifically says about this Mana Pesut event:
"And while the partisan heroes were playing round and rejoicing, the Ustashas continued to carry out their bloody feast unhindered. The size of the loot, the hunt for Serbs, was best seen by the type of killing. The booty was so great that the Ustashas did not have time according to their innate principle, first to torture the victims sadistically and then to kill them, but only to cut their necks. The greatest crime was committed in Tržić and Primište and then in Veljun and Perjasica. Many of the victims, who did not die immediately, were transported by ox to Chetnik territory in Plaska, where they were given first aid. In the whole time of the slaughter, not a single partisan rifle was fired at the Ustashe.“[21]
This testimony is largely reminiscent of the 1941 Kragujevac October case. when, according to some statements after the war, partisan units literally roared in the nearby village of Divostin during the shooting of the civilian population by the Germans with the Communist explanation to the peasants from Divostin that the one who is not with them is against them.[22]
The CPY and the šiptar national question in the kingdom of SCS / Yugoslavia
The CPY held its fourth congress in Dresden in 1928. Mr. adopted political guidelines on the total destruction of the kingdom of SHS. As for the shptar national question, on this occasion it was noted that one third of all Shptar in the Balkans existed within the kingdom of SHS but under the oppressive political regime of the greater Serbian bourgeoisie. The fact that the Yugoslav Schiptars had all the rights as all other ethnic minorities in Yugoslavia did not take into account, especially the fact that the same Schiptars (Albanians) did not have any minority rights in neighboring Greece, which did not even recognize them as an ethnic group on its territory and who were subjected to a universal ethno-cultural-linguistic Hellenization[23] (unlike Yugoslavia, where there was no policy of serbization of Šiptar). The CPY has taken a clear political position on the šiptar national issue in Yugoslavia since 1920.- in the years that came down to the fact that the šiptar national issue in the Balkans can be comprehensively resolved only by the political-state unification of the Yugoslav Šiptar with the mother of Šipnia (Albania), but on the condition of a joint struggle of the Jugo-Šiptar with the CPY against the kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia. Therefore, the CPY gave open support to the irredentist-separatist Kosovo Kosovo Committee, which acted with wholehearted financial and political support from Tirana and Rome, which organized and conducted terrorist raids on Yugoslav territory in western Macedonia and Kosovo with the aim of annexing these areas to Albania. All Serbian colonists who settled in Kosovo during the interwar period (volunteers from the Great War, Orphan families from Montenegro, Ada, Banija, Kordun, Herzegovina and Dalmatia) were "servants of the Greater Serbia policy" for propaganda (agitprop) of the Communist Party, although they received mostly smaller land holdings that were not confiscated from the local living room.[24] The Kosovo committee, by the way, had the closest cooperation with the Albanian government in Tirana and with Mussolini's fascist regime in Rome by assisting the schiptar outlaw gangs (kachaks) in their terrorist attacks against the Yugoslav civil and military authorities as well as the Serbian colonists. What was the final goal of the Kosovo committee is clear from Bajram Curi's memorandum in 1921. Mr. to the Soviet ambassador in Vienna, in which the Soviet support for the creation of Greater Shipnia was demanded, including the Yugoslav territories of Kosmet and the western parts of Vardar Macedonia (more or less the former Ottoman Kosovo and Bitola vilayets).
Closing notes
Within the concluding remarks, we can note that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia has been working on the political scene of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes since 1929. the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) took a clear and harsh anti-Serbian position in its official documents, performances and public action, which is a direct product of the party's program policy, which is largely dictated by the Comintern with the Moscow Central. Among other things, this can be clearly seen in the party policy of artificial formation of hitherto non-existent nations, but exclusively only separate from the Serbian national corps, which was also proclaimed as part of the party program between the two World Wars. Thus, the third congress of the CPY in Vienna was held from 17.up to 22.in May 1926. G. formally recognized the existence of the" Macedonian nation", but not the existence of e.g. "Dalmatian", "Dubrovnik" or "Istrian" Nations. It is in the same context as the product of the fourth session of the CPY in Dresden in November 1928. Mr. issued so-called. The " Dresden resolution "clearly demanded the dismantling of Yugoslavia on a communist-understood national basis and the formation of nation states of" oppressed and disenfranchised Nations": Slovenia, Croatia and Macedonia. This program requirement was met at the so-called. The "second ambush of AVNOJ" in Bosanska Jajce 29. November 1943. G.with the aim of reducing the national state of the Serbian nation to the extent of the Principality of Serbia in the period since the Berlin Congress of 1878. the Balkan wars of 1912.−1913. Mr.
With the aim of concrete implementation of this party program through the conquest of power in the country, during the Second World War, the CPY directly and indirectly cooperated with its revolutionary military formations (NOVJ) both with the foreign occupier and with the Croatian Ustasha movement. After the war, and based on the party policy of the pre-war period, the ruling CPY implemented in practice the basic decisions of its party resolution in Dresden on the dismantling of the Serbian ethnonational being for the sake of, above all, the creation of a greater Croatia and the legalization of ethnocide against Serbs committed in the territory of the NDH in 1941. 1945. finally, in the period of total disintegration of Yugoslavia and Serbdom after 1990. G., all the program goals of the anti-Serb policy of the CPY of 1920 were achieved.for many years, this political organization cannot be called otherwise than Anti-Serb Party of Yugoslavia.
13. October 2024.
Source: Center for Geostrategic Studies
[1] На овом конгресу у Вуковару је уствари дошло до преименовања већ основане Социјалистичке радничке партије Југославије (комуниста). СРПЈ(к) је основана на конгресу у Београду од 20.-ог до 23.-ег априла 1919. г. и том приликом се ова новооснована полубољшевичка партија јасно изјаснила за револуционаран рад али са јаким елементима социјалдемократског деловања. За главног секретара партије је тада изабран Филип Филиповић. Партија је одмах ступила у новоосновану (марта 1919. г.) Трећу комунистичку интернационалу (Коминтерна) у Москви. На конгресу у Вуковару наредне године је од ове партије направљена чиста бољшевичка странка по узору на Лењинову тако да су у програму нове КПЈ остали само бољшевички а избачени социјалдемократски елементи. По овом новом бољшевичком програму југословенски комунисти су се отворено залагали за стварање совјетске републике по узору на Лењинову совјетску Русију и Кунову Мађарску, тј. за „Совјетску Републику Југославију“ преко диктатуре пролетаријата у виду совјета, тј. бољшевичких већа. Оваква прва совјетска република на тлу Југославије је основана од стране КПЈ и Јосипа Броза Тита у јесен 1941. г. са центром у Ужицу (тзв. „Ужичка Република“) која се одржавала уз помоћ „црвеног терора“ и масовних убистава грађана Ужица и његове околине а који се нису слагали са идеологијом и политиком КПЈ. О бољшевичком терору у Ужицу 1941. г. постоји релевантна архивска и фото документација укључујући и сведочења преживелих: нпр. [Сергије М. Живановић, Third Serbian Uprising, book three, new views, Kragujevac, 2000, pp. 19-24].
[2] In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes after unification, no people had an absolute majority (the same as in Broz's Yugoslavia). The most numerous nation was the Serbs (4,704,876, IE. 39%), then Croats (2,889,102, i.e. 23.9%), Slovenes (1,023,588, i.e. 8.5%), Muslims as a religious group (756,656, IE. 6.3%), Macedonian Slavs (630,000, i.e. 5.3%), Germans (512,207, i.e., 4.3%), Shiptars (483,871, i.e. 4.0%), Hungarians (472,079, i.e. 3.9%), Romanians (183,563, i.e. 1.6%), Turks (143,453, i.e. 1.2%), Italians (11,630, i.e. 0.1%), etc. All in all, the entire kingdom of SHS is 1921. Mr. there were 12,055,715 inhabitants [Branko Petranovic, History Of Yugoslavia, 1918-1988, knjiga prva, NOLIT, Beograd, 1988, p. 32]. Different results for 1918.- there goes Ivo Banac: [Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics, Cornell/Ithaca / London, 1984, p. 58].
[3] The classic-standardized titoist-falsifier stereotype about the character and role of the CPY in the pre-war, war and post-war periods, as an "anti-fascist movement", which enjoyed "enormous trust and popularity by the people", etc. it is NP. in addition to the aforementioned trilogy by Branko Petranovic, and in the book [Miodrag Zecevic, Yugoslavia 1918-1992. South Slavic state dream and Java, Prosveta, Belgrade, 1994]. It is characteristic of these two, as well as many other similar monographs, that they are written without citing a single historical source, let alone documentation that comes from different sources and archives and relates to the same thing, i.e. event or problem.
[4] Closest associates of Josip Broz Tito (gensek of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia since 1937. it was temporary since 1939. G. officially) were Edvard Kardelj (Slovene), Vladimir Bakarić (Croatian), Andrija Hebrang (Croatian) and Milovan Djilas (Montenegrin) who in their propaganda theoretical texts as well as political proclamations actually identified the "greater Serbian bourgeoisie" with the Serbian people as a whole. bataković, Kosovo and Metohija. History and ideology, Čigoja štampa, Belgrade, 2007, p. 136]. About Tito and his closest comrades and associates see in [Jože Pirjevec, Tito and comrades, I-II, Laguna, Belgrade, 2013].
[5] Branko Petranović, History Yugoslavia 1918−1988, prva knjiga, NOLIT, Beograd, 1988, PG. 157.
[6] On the mass organized and sadistic slaughter of Serbs in the independent state of Croatia by the state authorities, armed Croatian and Muslim formations and the Roman Catholic Church see in [Marko Aurelio Riveli, Archbishop of genocide. Monsignor Stepinac, Vatican and Ustasha dictatorship in Croatia, 1941-1945, Jasen, Nikšić, 1999; Marco Aurelio Rivelli, Ia genosido occulte Etat independent de Croatia 1941−1945Tosana, the age of Man, 1998; ND Croatia-state of genocide, Dveri Srpske-Journal for national culture and social issues, year. XIII, No. 47-50, Belgrade, 2011; Vuksan M. Cerović, The great conspiracy, I-II, RTT, Belgrade, 1994; Viktor Novak, Magnum Crimen. Half a century of clericalism in Croatia, Zagreb, 1948]. However, although there was and still is a huge number of documented evidence of this ethnocide over the Serbs, Yugoslav communist rule after 1945. Mr. did everything to prevent these crimes from being studied and not mentioned in public and school programs in addition to direct destruction and the evidence itself. Thus, the Jasenovac death camp was deliberately and systematically demolished, turned into a meadow for cattle grazing, and in its place was placed a shameful monument of mockery to the victims of slaughter in the form of a huge monument with four Ustasha letters “U” (supposedly a cracked Rose) that look on all four sides of the world as a symbol of the universal victory of Croatian racist Nazism. The direct connection of the Croatian Ustashe and Broz'S KPJ and NOVJ from the war period in order to solve the Serbian issue in the NDH is indirectly discussed by the case of 31.in July 1966. G.at the opening of the mausoleum and memorial to the victims of the Jasenovac camp (only in 1966. Sir!). Namely, as one of the officials and at the same time a representative of the government of the Republic of Croatia, the president of the assembly of the Republic of Croatia – Stevo Krajačić, otherwise one of Broz's most trusted associates, was present at this ceremony. When the opening ceremony ended, and thinking that the microphones had been turned off, Krajačić turned to the Serbian fighters, telling them literally: “we killed you too little here”. Unfortunately, the microphones were not turned off on Krajačić (and Broz), so after the scandal, Krajačić was forced to resign. By the way, during the entire 35 years of his rule in Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito did not find it appropriate to visit neither Jasenovac nor any other mass execution site of Serbs in the NDH.
[7] According to the data of André and Jean seller in SR Croatia in 1981. G. there were 3,455,000 Croats and 532,000 Serbs in addition to 25,000 Hungarians, 25,000 Slovenes and 379,000 "Yugoslavs" [André Seller, Jean Seller, Atlas des peuples d’Europe centrale, Paris, 1991, pp. 143−166]. It should be pointed out that most of the so-called. "Yugoslavia" from the 1981 census. next post in 1991. during the dissolution of Broz's Yugoslavia, she declared herself as Serbs.
[8] On the cultural-historical and ethnopolitical character of The Independent Dubrovnik Republic see in [Edo M. Kostić, Violent appropriation of Dubrovnik culture. Cultural-historical and ethnopolitical studies, private edition, Melbourne, 1975].
[9] About the personality of Josip Broz Tito see in [Vladimir Adamovic, The three dictators: Stalin, Hitler, Tito. Psychological parallel, Informatika, Belgrade, 2008, pp. 445-610]. Published archival documents on the political activities of Josip Broz Tito that are not cited by titoist historians are issued in the collection of documents [pero Simić, Zvonimir despot, Tito. Strictly confidential. Archive documents, Official Gazette, Belgrade, 2010]. Thus, among the 242 documents from domestic archives can be found those who unequivocally say that the conquest of power by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was far more important than the fight against the occupiers, as well as in this context an open offer for collaboration with the German Nazis.
[10] "Proclamation by the National Council of the unification of the state of Slovenia, Croatia and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro", Zagreb, November 23rd, 1918 in [Snežana Trifunovska (ed.), Yugoslavia Through Documents. From its creation to its dissolution, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht / Boston / London, 1994, pp. 151−153].
[11] "Proclamation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes", Belgrade, December 1st, 1918 in [Snežana Trifunovska (ed.), Yugoslavia Through Documents. From its creation to its dissolution, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht / Boston / London, 1994, pp. 157−160].
[12] Croatian politicians in November 1918. G. unification with the victorious Serbia was much needed for two crucial reasons: 1) in order to translate Croatia and Croats from the defeated to the victorious side and thus avoid paying huge war reparations, i.e. war damages, for crimes and material damage committed in Serbia during the Austro-Hungarian occupation in 1915. 1918. during the war in western Serbia in 1914. G., and 2) to be able to use the Serbian army to defend the eastern Adriatic from the legitimate Italian occupation and annexation of part of the Adriatic coast after the war on the basis of the Treaty of London of 26. April 1915. between Italy and the Entente Powers (Great Britain, France and Imperial Russia). Therefore, the people's Council of Zagreb officially invited the army of the Kingdom of Serbia in November 1918. he crossed the river Drina. Zagreb by "Unification" meant the political unification of two independent states, i.e. The states of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs and the then expanded Kingdom of Serbia with Vardar Macedonia and Montenegro, with the fact that in Zagreb it was unjustifiably considered that the state of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs was based on the so-called. "Croatian historical law" and therefore the official flag of that state was the Croatian tricolour (without the chessboard). It should also be noted that in this country Serbs were the most numerous people. On the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes see in [Vladislav B. Sotirović, Creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1914−1918, Vilnius University Press, Vilnius, 2007].
[13] The idea of creating a United Catholic province of South Slavs within Austria-Hungary was officially emphasized by a group of 33 South Slavic people's delegates of the so-called Republic of Serbia. "Yugoslav club" in the Vienna Parliament 30. May 1917. Mr. At that time, they sought the unification of the Slavs, Croats and Serbs into a single and autonomous "state body" under the "sceptre of the Habsburg-Lorraine dynasty", giving this political idea a distinctly Catholic and pro-Habsburg character, but also an anti-German-Hungarian room that the essence of this idea was to Hungary as a dualistic (German-Hungarian) monarchy was re-organized on trialist grounds. In other words, in addition to the Austrian and Hungarian countries, there would be South Slavic countries as a constituent element with an administrative center in Zagreb. It is not difficult to conclude that behind this third federal unit was essentially the idea of a great and United Croatia within the framework of a re-organized and renamed post-war Habsburg Monarchy [“Declaration of the 'Yugoslav Club'", Vienna, May 30th, 1917, Snežana Trifunovska (ed.), Yugoslavia Through Documents. From its creation it its dissolution, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht / Boston / London, 1994, p. 140] taken from the book collection of documents [Ferdo Šišić, Documents on the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes 1914-1919, 1920, PG. 94].
[14] Here is the most important unambiguous Marković, i.e. communist, the recognition that the Serbs and their bourgeoisie in the kingdom of SCs and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia did not have economic and financial dominance, but that was precisely the Croats and Slovenes through their national bourgeoisie who became rich during the war and thus financially strengthened entered the newly created Yugoslav market. Thus, in interwar Yugoslavia, the first Croatian savings bank was the strongest financial institution. However, the propaganda of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia never insisted on the fight against Croatian and Slovenian financial and economic "exploitative" circles exploiting other nations in the first Yugoslavia. Also, it is generally known that the entire economy of Broz's Yugoslavia was asymmetrically Confederated so that the "Ottoman" parts of Yugoslavia were only an expanded market and a raw material base for companies from SR Slovenia and SR Croatia which resulted in the standard of living in Slovenia and Croatia being higher compared to the general the Yugoslav average. Thus, the standard of living in Slovenia is relative to that Yugoslav average from 1991. the G was three times larger, but in relation to Kosovo and Metohija it was even eight times larger. It should also be reminded of the fact that the Slovenian market was almost completely and the Croatian was largely closed to products from Serbia, while Slovenian and Croatian products in Serbia were sold according to the principle of "market economy".
[15] For example, see Act of unification of Montenegro with Serbia [“Resolution of the Great National Assembly of the Serbian people in Montenegro concerning unification of Montenegro with Serbia", Podgorica, November 26th, 1918, Snežana Trifunovska (ed.), Yugoslavia Through Documents. From its creation to its dissolution, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht / Boston / London, 1994, pp. 153−156].
[16] The idea of the Yugoslav communists about the necessary dismantling of the kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia was accepted by the Comintern in Moscow, whose section was also the CPY, which was made official at the Comintern's Fifth Congress held in July 1924. in Moscow. On this occasion, a special resolution on the national issue in Yugoslavia was adopted and issued, the basis of which was the request for the separation of Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia from the Kingdom, after which all three would turn into independent nation states. On the same occasion, the Croatian Republican Peasants ' Party (HRSS) was designated by Stalin as a progressive revolutionary party with which, of course, the Yugoslav communists should cooperate. It is necessary to emphasize here that this Comintern resolution does not foresee the exit of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro from the Yugoslavian system, nor does it define the borders of "Slovenia", "Croatia" and "Macedonia", and therefore it is practically left to the domestic Yugoslav communists to solve the issue of State-Republic borders in the Yugoslav the ground that was finally done in 1945. 1946. Mr. together with the proclamation of two new nations: "Montenegrins" and "Muslims". The PJ is 1924. G. accepted the Comintern policy on the rights of peoples to self-determination until the final territorial-physical separation from the existing and internationally recognized states, which was implemented in the Yugoslav case since 1991. G. until 2008. under the direct influence of the Comintern, the Yugoslav communists adopted the official position that the kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia was an artificial Versailles creation, which only justified the already adopted political guidelines of the Communist Party on the breakup of Yugoslavia. Finally, the CPY is in its fourth congress of 6. to 12.in November 1928. G. in Dresden (held in the building of the Party School of the Communist Party of Germany "Rosa Luxemburg") finally included the policy of breaking the kingdom of SHS / Yugoslavia in the official party program [Dusan T. Batakovic, Kosovo and Metohija. History and ideology, Čigoja štampa, Belgrade, 2007, p. 134]. Tom was given a special so-called occasion. The "Dresden resolution" by which the Communist Party calls on the Yugoslav proletariat to fight in the coming war of the Western imperialist bourgeoisie against the USSR for the defeat of the government of the kingdom of SHS, i.e. "for the establishment of the imperialist state of SHS, for the full national independence of the oppressed nations, for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, for the workers 'and peasants' power and for the establishment of the Balkan Federation of workers 'and peasants 'Republics" [Branko Petranović, History Yugoslavia 1918−1988, prva knjiga, NOLIT, Beograd, str. 160]. Here we should also pay special attention to the fact that the text of the Dresden resolution in the linguistic sense of the word exudes the vocabulary of the standardized Croatian literary language, which speaks a lot about the very character of the leadership of the CPY, which drafted the resolution. Yugoslav communists in their anti-Yugoslav and, above all, anti-Serb hatred went as far as Milan Gorkić (i.e. Josip Chizhinsky - from the second half of 1932. Mr. provisional gensek of the CPY appointed directly by the Comintern) declared in April 1929. Mr. that in the event of an uprising in Croatia, the CPY must make a "temporary strategic agreement with foreign imperialism" which was meant for Mussolini's Italy and Horti's Hungary, to which even some areas of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia would be ceded in order to destroy the main political danger, i.e. the regime of " Greater Serbian hegemony "[Branko Petranović, Momčilo Zečević, The agony of two Yugoslavs, Belgrade, 1991, PG. 191]. During World War II, the Yugoslav communists were consistent with these guidelines of Gorkić, and so cooperated with both the German occupier and the Pavelić Ustaše [Mihajlo P. Minić, Broken bones (1941-1945), Detroit, USA, 1965; Klaus SchmiderThe partisan war in Yugoslavia 1941-1945, 2005].
[17] Milan Gorkić was immediately following the introduction of the six-year dictatorship in 1929. Mr. gensek suggested to the party membership that in the event of an uprising in Croatia, a "temporary agreement with foreign imperialism" should be concluded, that is, to cede certain parts of the state territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to Italy and Hungary in order to achieve the main political goal of the party – the breakup of Yugoslavia. [Dusan T. Batakovic, Kosovo and Metohija. History and ideology, Čigoja štampa, Belgrade, 2007, p. 135].
[18] The text is printed in Latin and all numbers Proletarian-and they are kept in the archives of CK SKJ in Belgrade.
[19] "Proclamation by the National Council of the unification of the state of Slovenia, Croatia and Serbs with the Kingdom of Serbia and Montenegro", Zagreb, November 23rd, 1918 in Snežana Trifunovska (ed.), Yugoslavia Through Documents. From its creation to its dissolution, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht / Boston / London, 1994, pp. 151−153].
[20]Mane M. Pesut, Revolution in Lika 1941-1945, author's edition, Bilefeld, Germany, 1966. Mane Pesut was a battalion commander of the Dinaric Chetnik division. After the war he emigrated to Germany where he wrote the book which is a historical source of the first order since it was written by an eyewitness. Pesut edited a magazine in Germany White Eagles.
[21] Also, pp. 181-217.
[22] About Kragujevac's bloody fairy tale from October 1941. G. See testimony in [Miodrag Beljaković, Under the clouds of Serbia, Second amended edition, Jefimija, Kragujevac, 2004, pp. 105-119].
[23] See more at Hugh Poulton, The Balkans. Minorities and States in Conflict, Minority Rights Publications, London, 1994, pp. 173−192].
[24] Kosta Čavoški, "Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Kosovo issue", Radovan Samardžić and others, Kosovo and Metohija in Serbian historySociety for the preservation of monuments and fostering traditions of the liberation wars of Serbia until 1918. years in Belgrade-skz, Belgrade 1989, pp. 361-381; Historical archives of the CPY, party documentation, I-II, Belgrade, 1949.
